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Chapter VI

Heirless Assets and
the Role of Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc.

 

 

Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc.: Origins and Purposes

The Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc. (JCR) grew out of the Commission on European Jewish Cultural Reconstruction which had been established in 1945 as the central research and coordinating body for all American activities in Europe relating to the identification, salvage and restitution of Jewish cultural property. Headed by Professor Salo Baron of Columbia University, the Commission's first and most important publication was entitled, "Tentative List of Jewish Cultural Treasures in Axis-Occupied Countries," which listed cultural treasures known to have existed before the Nazi occupation.1 This publication, which included only movable assets such as books, documents and museum pieces, was the first of its kind and helped various organizations in Europe to locate Jewish cultural property. Later, the JCR would publish several additional, more specific guides.2

The Commission recognized by 1946 that only a joint effort by Jewish organizations could effectively salvage heirless cultural objects. Moreover, it believed that unity among the Jewish organizations was a precondition to State Department agreement to transfer looted Jewish cultural objects to the custody of a Jewish organization. In August 1946, therefore, the Commission announced the creation of a membership corporation representing major Jewish organizations that would act as the trustee for heirless Jewish cultural objects.3 Such a corporation, argued the Commission, would enable all interested Jewish organizations to participate in the final decisions on the distribution of property. Thus, the Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc., was established in April 1947. 4

The World Jewish Congress, the American Jewish Committee, the American Jewish Conference, the Commission on European Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, the Council for the Protection of the Rights and Interests of Jews from Germany, Hebrew University and the Synagogue Council of America founded the JCR.5 The American Joint Distribution Committee and the Jewish Agency for Palestine, which also became members of the corporation, provided its operating funds.6 At the JCR's first meeting on May 5, 1947, Professor Baron became President, and Professor Jerome Michael, formerly the Acting Chairman of the Commission on European Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, became Chairman of the Board.7 Also active among the JCR officers were Joshua Starr, who served as Executive Secretary until his death in 1949, and Hannah Arendt who replaced him.8 Other distinguished members of the JCR leadership included Rabbi Leo Baeck and Professor Gershon Scholem, both of whom served as Vice Presidents.

Whereas the JRSO served as a trustee for recovering property of economic value, the JCR set its sights on recovering property of cultural value.9 Given the nature of heirless property, however, a clear distinction between economics and culture was not always easy to define. The boundary between the JRSO and the JCR remained fluid: the two organizations shared similar origins and overlapping memberships.10 The relationship between these organizations was reflected in an agreement signed in August 1947, in which the JCR agreed to act as an agent of the JRSO in tracing, restituting and allocating Jewish books, Jewish ceremonial objects, and other Jewish cultural property found in the U.S. Zone in Germany.11 In spite of the fact that many of the same individuals and organizations figured prominently in both the JCR and the JRSO, they functioned largely independent of each other.

The recognition of the JCR as trustee to heirless cultural property came only after lengthy debates within the Jewish world as well as between Jewish groups, the United States government, and occupation authorities. Discussions between the U.S. State, War, and Navy Departments and OMGUS "concerning Jewish material" began as early as December 1945, at a time when it was reported that "even the Jewish peoples are far from unanimous in their ideas with respect to the disposition of such religious and cultural objects."12 There was the fear that even if Jewish unanimity were achievable, "difficulties inherent in permitting any private organization to abrogate the powers of governments" would still remain and, at least as of May 1947, the Military Government was the sole organization "recognized as a proper trustee for this material."13 Nevertheless, there was a sense of urgency within the Military Government to release the property under its control: General Lucius Clay noted that he "was awaiting the formation of a representative Jewish organization to take over the custody" of Jewish cultural property at the Offenbach Archival Depot (OAD).14

Although the State Department had been willing to recognize the JRSO as a successor organization in November 1947, differences of opinion with the War Department delayed the recognition of the JRSO until June 23, 1948. Under Military Law 59 the JRSO was given the right to claim identifiable heirless and unclaimed Jewish property in the U.S. Zone in Germany and to act as a successor to the interests of Jewish persons and communities.15 In contrast, OMGUS officially recognized the JCR as the trustee for all unidentifiable heirless Jewish cultural objects that could not be claimed under Law 59.

OMGUS defined such unidentifiable Jewish property as property for which "no claims have been received...and no identification of prior ownership can be reasonably established," while the JCR in turn agreed to exercise reasonable diligence in trying to locate owners for two years.16 When accepting the heirless property, the JCR certified "that individual ownership of subject items cannot be determined and [it] undertakes to act as trustee for the Jewish people in the distribution of said property to such public or quasi-public religious, cultural or educational institutions as it sees fit, to be used in the interest of perpetuating Jewish art and culture, or to utilize them for the maintenance of the cultural heritage of the Jewish people."17

The JCR Board recognized that its task was daunting. The JCR was obligated to keep properties intact and to return them to the military government if an heir was located.18 However, deciding what should be done with the thousands of ceremonial or ritual objects, many of them damaged, was far more difficult. Complete and identifiable library collections of books and manuscripts could readily be returned, but the basis on which the thousands of unidentified books should be distributed remained to be determined. It was unclear if owners or heirs could be found for some of the materials that had been judged unidentifiable.

After considerable discussion and consistent with its agreement with OMGUS to use property to "benefit the Jewish people," the JCR decided to distribute property to existing and viable Jewish communities and to institutions that could best use and care for them. Particular Jewish institutions, such as the Bezalel Museum and Hebrew University in Israel, were given first selection rights in the process.19 The disposition of the heirless property of Jewish communities, particularly that associated with religious observance, held immense symbolic importance. Practical questions of what was to be sent where, however, were not easily resolved and it would take many months for a global distribution formula to be approved. Heirless books and manuscripts were testimonials to the Jewish intellectual heritage, and while their distribution to libraries might have seemed more straightforward, in practice, U.S. policies and Jewish interests conflicted, as did the parties' political considerations.

Communal Property

Torah Scrolls

As part of its agreement with OMGUS, in 1949 the JCR received custody of what were estimated to be 1,000 unclaimed Torah scrolls, and as no claims had been received and no identification of prior ownership could be established for them, they and other religious objects "were to be utilized for the maintenance of the cultural heritage of the Jewish people."20 The U.S. Army seemed well aware of the significance of the materials it was holding, as it had set aside a "Torah Room" at the OAD that held "about 1,000 torah scrolls or parts thereof which present a special problem in disposition."21

Torah scrolls had to be handled in a manner different from all other ritual objects because according to Jewish practice the sacred nature of the Torah dictated burial of torn or mutilated scrolls that could not be repaired. This meant that before the JCR could distribute the scrolls, all of them (including fragments) had to be carefully examined and then sorted. Scroll repair was eventually carried out in Israel, but the examination and sorting was first undertaken by the American Joint Distribution Committee (AJDC) office in Paris, in a disposition that had taken some time to agree upon.22 Of the 1,151 Torah scrolls distributed by 1952, the vast majority went to Israel (931), with the remainder sent to the United States (110), Western Europe (98) and Great Britain (12). While it is unknown how many of the scrolls sent to the United States were torn or mutilated, 127 Torah scrolls sent to Israel were buried.23

Ceremonial Objects

In 1948, the OAD estimated it held about 17,000 items other than Torah scrolls in its "Torah Room," "the great majority of which are metal cult objects, largely silver." According to a memorandum of agreement between the JCR, the JRSO and OMGUS, such "Jewish ritual objects of precious metals are to be utilized as such and not converted to monetary metal."24 These ceremonial objects had been looted from synagogues and homes throughout Europe, and many were damaged or bore "visible marks of willful destruction."25

Faced with such a large quantity, the JCR Advisory Committee decided in early February 1949 that ceremonial objects should first be divided into the categories of "art objects suitable for museums; and other ceremonial objects, which should be available for presentation to synagogues in various countries," a formulation that was adopted verbatim in a resolution adopted by the JCR Board of Directors the following month.26 A field report from early April, 1949, assessing the property collected together at Wiesbaden, found it "consists primarily of synagogue appurtenances, together with other objects of religious significance, some household silver and a few hundred pounds of material damaged beyond repair." Of the approximately 9,000 objects counted, nearly 60 percent consisted of silver in scrap condition, ribbons with mounted silver plates, spice boxes and menorahs.27

Between July 1949 and January 31, 1952, the JCR distributed 7,867 ceremonial objects around the world, the vast majority of which were sent to Israel and the United States.28 Appropriate global distribution of these objects was discussed at length by the JCR. In early February 1949, the JCR's Advisory Committee had suggested distributing one-third of the ceremonial objects to synagogues in Israel, one-third to the United States, and one-third to other countries.29 In March, the JCR Board of Directors decided instead that approximately 40 percent were to go to Israel, "while the remainder is to be allocated to synagogues in other countries."30 Some of those present at this March meeting reported having heard that the allocations would be 40 percent to Israel, 40 percent to other countries, and 20 percent to the United States, numbers that had been arrived at "after a lengthy discussion."31 In June, Dr. Bernard Heller, the Field Director at Wiesbaden and a distinguished rabbi, educator, and author, was instructed to allocate the ceremonial objects according to yet another formula (Israel, 40 percent; Western Europe, 25 percent; Western Hemisphere, 25 percent; Great Britain, 5 percent; South Africa and other countries, 5 percent).32 But by October 1949, agreement finally seems to have been reached that 40 percent of all items should go to Israel, 40 percent to the Western Hemisphere (including the United States), and 20 percent to other countries. This 40:40:20 ratio was adhered to in practice.33

The JCR decided that the Bezalel Museum in Jerusalem would receive "first priority in the distribution of art objects which represent styles now lacking in the Bezalel collection." To sort through the thousands of heirless ceremonial objects and select those that the museum lacked, Dr. Mordechai Narkiss, then director of the Bezalel Museum, traveled to Germany in 1949. 34 Narkiss found this an extremely difficult task, as many of the objects appeared to be of only average quality, and among the museum objects he selected, "it happens that the damaged items are probably the oldest and most interesting."35 Nevertheless, of the 187 cases that were packed by July 8, Narkiss was able to ship 61 cases worth of museum material to Jerusalem (along with 26 cases of synagogue material). He commented that "the objects left for the other museums are only of average quality and often inferior to that."

Narkiss noted that in total, 133 museum material cases and 54 synagogue material cases had been shipped (of which 72 and 11, respectively, were sent to New York), and a JCR account prepared in New York soon afterwards indicated about five times as many museum objects as synagogue objects had been sent.36 In contrast to the museum pieces, the materials selected for synagogues had to be able to withstand regular use, and yet many of the objects were "damaged beyond repair."37 Unlike Torah scrolls, however, ceremonial objects are not sacred, and if damaged could be discarded or converted for other uses, including through smelting. Narkiss noted that 25 cases "containing silver fragments which are to be smelted" had been packed up, and a JCR letter states that "4,208 metal objects, of which 3,713 were silverware, have been sent to a British firm in Sheffield for melting."38 The smelting of silver fragments could have violated the OMGUS memorandum of agreement that precluded conversion of ceremonial objects into monetary metal, if the goal had been to raise funds.39 No clear evidence exists that this was the intention. In any case, there is evidence that the action was undertaken without the consent of the JCR Board of Directors.40

The JCR asked recipient institutions to agree in writing to take good care of the objects, indicate their origins on a label, and furnish itemized receipts. Recipients also agreed to return any item at the request of the JCR, and to pay handling charges of sixty cents per item to cover the cost of transportation from Germany.41

In the United States, the Jewish Museums in New York and Cincinnati were given first priority for museum objects, followed by Yeshiva University, though by mid-August 1950 other colleges and institutions were also the recipients of the 1,698 objects distributed. The largest categories of ceremonial objects were (in descending order) spice boxes, Torah shields, Hanukah lamps, and pointers.42 In terms of priority, synagogue objects were first to go to "congregations of recent arrivals from Central Europe," and at least in the eyes of a World Jewish Congress (WJC) representative who participated in the JCR meetings, "it is understood that the objects to be allocated to American museums and synagogues are mainly of sentimental value."43

Because the JCR allocation policy favored the distribution of cultural assets to communities outside of Europe, it provoked resentment and criticism from the remaining European Jewish communities. In one case in 1950, the JRSO filed a claim for 18 cases containing approximately 450 ceremonial objects that had formerly belonged to the Frankfurt Jewish Museum.44 The Frankfurt Jewish community claimed that it was entitled to the objects, and in late 1950 some of its members gained access to the boxes of ceremonial silver, took some items for themselves and returned others to the Frankfurt municipality.45

As long as the Frankfurt Jewish community claimed the property, the JRSO could not successfully claim heirless Jewish objects that had been in the museum. To resolve this conflict, the JCR Board of Directors decided to employ Dr. Guido Schoenberger, a member of the JCR Advisory Committee, to examine markings on the objects to try to identify those that belonged to the Jewish community and the Frankfurt municipality.46

The JCR Board of Directors thought if some objects were sent to Israel, the Frankfurt Jewish Community might drop its claim. On the other hand, some members of the Board also objected to sending still more objects to the Bezalel Museum which already had a chance to get the best of the ceremonial objects. By returning to the Frankfurt Jewish community the objects it had requested, the JCR Executive Board hoped that it could distribute the rest of the collection to museums around the world.47

JCR eventually made a gift of some objects to the Frankfurt Museum, which satisfied the demands of the Frankfurt Jewish community. The JCR members voted to divide the remainder of the museum collection according to a 40:40:20 allocation (United States: Israel: other countries). All synagogue pieces other than those claimed by the Frankfurt Jewish community were sent to Israel.48 American museums, for the first time in the JCR allocations, received first priority for museum-quality ceremonial objects, and the JCR Board of Directors approved because the Frankfurt Museum objects would greatly enhance the value of American museum collections.49

Paintings

There was one instance when the JRSO came into possession of approximately 1,000 paintings and other art objects that had remained at the collecting points because they had been deemed unidentifiable.50 The collection included 35 old masters paintings that the JRSO sent to Israel.51 It decided to sell the rest at private auction in New York.52 The valuations of the paintings varied widely and eventually the JRSO hoped only to recover the expenses it incurred for shipping the art from Europe to the United States.53 At sales between May 1950 and May 1951, the JRSO netted approximately $3,200.54 Paintings that found no buyers were sent to the Jewish Museum or the Bezalel Museum in Israel.55 In the years following, a number of claims were submitted to the JRSO for the return of various paintings.56 It appears that the JRSO settled at least some of the claims.57

Books

The books that were transferred to the JCR fell into several categories: unidentifiable books of Jewish content in the German language, identifiable books and other archival materials belonging to private owners and Jewish institutions in Germany, unidentifiable and partially identifiable books in languages other than German, and identifiable books from the Baltic states.58 Before books could be distributed they had to be sorted, identified and returned to their original owners, if possible. Then decisions on allocation and distribution could be made for the unidentifiable material. Cataloguing the rare books and manuscripts was a special, additional task.59

Identification and Return

The process of sorting and identifying books and other material in the Collecting Points was extremely important and difficult.60 Book identification had two aspects: establishing what a book was and to whom it belonged. The OAD did not have a staff large enough to sort and catalogue several hundred thousand books by title and author. This task was made even more difficult because much of the material was in Hebrew and Yiddish, and U.S. officials had difficulty finding qualified experts who could help in identification.61

As early as March 1946, Jewish organizations realized that the lack of qualified personnel to sort through the books could have serious effects on the prospect of restitution. In a letter to the World Jewish Congress, Mr. A. Aaroni, who was assigned by the U.S. Army to the Rothschild Library in Frankfurt, Germany, recommended that a Hebrew scholar be sent to the library immediately. "This recommendation is to take precedence over all others," he wrote, because at the time, there was not a single person with knowledge of Hebrew to help with the sorting of the books.62 Two years later, in 1948, OAD still employed only a rabbinical student and a German rabbi who were qualified to sort the Hebrew and Yiddish materials.63 Joseph Horne, the Director of OAD at the time, explained that their work "is of highest importance in solving one of the most difficult problems of the Offenbach Archival Depot."64

Soon it became clear that the lack of qualified experts impeded restitution of identifiable books from OAD. In an example that says more about the problems of restitution under the military government than it does about the JCR, on June 7, 1949 Rabbi Dr. O. Lehmann of Oxford University protested the OAD's lack of cooperation in his attempt, under Law 59, to reclaim 78 of his books and 56 books that belonged to his late brother. To claim the books, Rabbi Lehmann was required to submit the books' titles, even though all of the books had his name and that of his brother inscribed in them. Although he had written to the OAD on several occasions requesting the books, he did not receive a reply. This incident created "a most unfortunate impression in Jewish and academic circles in this country as to the attitude of some of the officials of Military Government to the position of victims of Nazi dispossession."65

In response to Rabbi Lehmann's letter, Lieutenant Colonel Milton L. Ogden explained that OMGUS was in possession of several hundred thousand books, but "due to their number and the inability to allocate sufficient personnel for the purpose, it has not been possible to sort and catalogue them by title and author."66 Colonel Ogden expected that, at a later date, the books that were inscribed with the name of an owner would be separated "and be available for delivery to the person entitled to receive them."67

To help solve this problem the JCR needed to work with military officials to separate identifiable from unidentifiable Jewish books, its first step toward becoming trustee of the heirless unidentifiable books. Recognizing the importance of this task, the JCR appointed Dr. Bernard Heller as Field Director to coordinate the efforts of numerous experts working at the OAD.68 Accordingly, Dr. Shunami of Hebrew University, author of "Bibliography of Jewish Bibliographies", and the Director of the Bezalel Museum were appointed as supervisors on the cultural aspect of the collections.69 With their help, the JCR sorted through the thousands of books in U.S. military custody in a relatively short time period.

In addition to sorting the books, the experts who worked at the OAD also identified rare Jewish books and manuscripts. As a result of the efforts of scholars such as Dr. Gershom Scholem of Hebrew University, a list of all the rare books transferred to the JCR was produced and circulated among the recipient libraries and institutions.70

Allocation and Distribution

Once the books were sorted and identified, the JCR had to decide where to send them. After careful consideration, the Board of the JCR adopted the same 40:40:20 allocation formula for books as it used for ceremonial objects. Within this allocation, Hebrew University in Jerusalem was given the first choice of books.73

By 1952 the JCR had distributed 426, 921 books around the world.75 Israel received the largest number with 191,423 books, while the United States was the second largest recipient with 160,886.76 The distribution of books elsewhere was administered either directly from Germany or through the JCR's depot in New York, which served as the center for distribution to the United States, Canada, Latin American, Africa, and Australia.77 Recipient countries paid freight expenses from the German border. The JCR paid freight expenses to the United States, but these expenses were later recovered by a charge of 30 cents for each book, payable by the recipient institution.78

Under a special agreement with the JCR, the Education and Culture Department of the World Jewish Congress (WJC) handled distribution to Latin America.79 Affiliates of the WJC in Latin America assessed the needs of the local Jewish communities. Books were then sent to the central Jewish organization of each recipient country. A report of the activities of the Department of Culture and Education of the WJC noted the gratefulness of the Latin Jewish communities:

The response of our affiliates and the central organizations thus far has been very favorable, and even enthusiastic. They are very eager to have the books and cultural objects to enlarge their existing libraries or to open new libraries in places where there are none at present. They feel that such libraries will give a great impulse to their cultural life. They are well aware, also, that these books, apart from their cultural importance, have a high sentimental value as they constitute the heritage of the once great Jewish communities of Europe.80

By 1952, Jewish communities in Latin American countries had received 11,679 books.81

As in Latin America, local Jewish organizations administered distribution within each country. For example, in Israel, unless property was transferred directly to Hebrew University or the Bezalel Museum, the Ministry of Religious Affairs made the final distribution decisions.82 In Western Europe, the Joint Distribution Committee effected the distribution.83

Some agencies took care to identify the origin of these books. For instance, the Canadian Jewish Congress, which distributed Jewish books in Canada, placed a label in every book that read:

This book was once the property of a Jew, victim of the Great Massacre in Europe. The Nazis who seized this book eventually destroyed the owner. It has been recovered by the Jewish people, and reverently placed in this institution by the Canadian Jewish Congress, as a memorial to those who gave their lives for the Sanctification of the Holy Name.84

The JCR made a similar gesture, asking its recipient libraries in the United States to acknowledge the origin of the books by placing a bookplate in the volume.85

Distribution in the United States

The JCR undertook distribution in the United States. It made extensive efforts not only to protect the books for future generations, but also to commemorate the former owners who, in most cases, were deceased.

In March 1949, before the distribution began, the JCR sent a questionnaire to all potential recipient libraries. Its accompanying letter stated that, "[I]t would be very helpful to us to have the enclosed questionnaire answered by the librarian in charge of your collection of Judaica and Hebraica. The answers should deal exclusively with this particular department of your library."86 The questionnaire primarily addressed the subject of the library's major Hebraic collections, number of readers, annual budget, and the Hebrew, Yiddish, and German books that the library was interested in purchasing.87 When the books were ready for distribution, each recipient was required to sign an agreement with the JCR that stated "each library is asked to adhere to the following procedure, so that all books will be treated as part of the cultural heritage of European Jewry."88 The terms of the agreement were:

1. No books received may be sold, nor may any be exchanged for other books without the permission of Jewish Cultural Reconstruction obtained prior to the exchange.89

2. The recipient will furnish Jewish Cultural Reconstruction with an itemized receipt, listing authors and their titles, within six months after the delivery of each shipment.

3. The recipient places at the disposal of Jewish Cultural Reconstruction all duplicates of publications already in its library unless Jewish Cultural Reconstruction authorizes the recipient in writing to retain them specifically.

4. Any books identified by a claimant as his property to the satisfaction of Jewish Cultural Reconstruction within two years of its delivery to the recipient shall be returned promptly to the claimant or to Jewish Cultural Reconstruction upon the latter's request.

5. Any book which Jewish Cultural Reconstruction may desire to re-allocate to another library within two years of its delivery to the recipient shall likewise be promptly returned to Jewish Cultural Reconstruction upon its request. However, the total number of items requested for re-allocation shall not exceed 10% of the number of items allocated to the recipient.90

After signing the agreement, the libraries received bookplates and the following request:

[W]e feel that it will be of great importance to have each volume marked, so that present and future readers may be reminded of those who once cherished them before they became victims of the great Jewish catastrophe.

Without such distinctive mark it will also be impossible for present and future scholars to retrace the history and the whereabouts of the great cultural treasures of European Jewry which once were the pride of scholars, institutions and private collections.

We therefore are sending you today bookplates which should be pasted into each of the volumes which you received from us. We trust that you will understand the historic significance of this request and will gladly comply with it.91

Although this request was not a prerequisite for receiving books, the JCR expected participating libraries to comply.

After each library or institution signed the agreement, the JCR began distribution from its warehouse in Brooklyn, New York. In a letter to Professor Harry A. Wolfson of Harvard University, Hannah Arendt, Executive Secretary of the JCR, described the distribution process:

Either the interested librarian makes an appointment with our depot manager to come down to our depot and select the titles from the shelves, or we send a specified number of books in each category [sic] to the librarian who returns to us those books which turn out to be duplicates in the library's collection. As for periodicals, we ask the librarians to draw up lists of those issues which they need in order to complete their own sets, as well as lists of periodicals which the library does not possess at all but would like to add to its present collection, even if only broken sets are available.92

The distribution of rare books constituted an exception to these procedures. A list of rare books was created and sent to each library. Upon receipt, the librarian was invited to choose a predetermined amount of book titles from the list. For example, Harvard University was invited to choose 100 rare books from the master list.93 After making a selection, the libraries would send the names and numbers of the selected titles to the JCR, which would grant the request if those books were still available.

At first, only Jewish libraries, institutions and religious schools received these books. However, "[i]n view of the great assistance given by American authorities in the work of the JCR in Germany,"94 the Judaic departments of non-Jewish institutions and libraries were later added to the receipt list, most notably the Library of Congress, Harvard University, the New York Public Library, Columbia University, and Yale University.95

Distribution in the United States ended in 1952, when the JCR terminated its activities. By that time, 160,886 books had been distributed to 48 libraries and institutions. Some 17 libraries were designated as "priority libraries," such as the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York, which received 13,320 books and periodicals; Brandeis University in Massachusetts, which received 11,288 books and periodicals; and the Yiddish Scientific Institute in New York, which received 12,360 books and periodicals.96

Identifiable Books in the JCR Shipments

Unavoidably, some books that were received and distributed by the JCR were identifiable. In these cases, the JCR returned the books to their rightful owners or to the Office of the United States High Commissioner for Germany.97 The JCR agreed to restore to the Office of the United States High Commissioner for Germany for proper disposition "any object which has been delivered to it by mistake".98 In a letter to the JRSO, Hannah Arendt explained that "among the books which we handled, there were a certain number of stray volumes where former individual owners could be identified. These books were returned by us."99 In total, the JCR returned 6,176 identifiable books from the United States distribution.

Although the period to file a claim for restitution under Law 59 expired on December 31, 1948, the JCR did not close the door to potential heirs for the books in its custody. In its agreement with each recipient institution in the United States, the JCR incorporated a provision that stated:

Any books identified by a claimant as his property to the satisfaction of Jewish Cultural Reconstruction within two years of its delivery to the recipient shall be returned promptly to the claimant or to Jewish Cultural Reconstruction upon the latter's request.100

In order to locate the owners of identifiable books and manuscripts transferred from OAD to Hebrew University, the JCR took the following steps:

In all cases in which one owner possesses six or more books, we shall make every effort to locate the former owner or his heirs. We shall type out the list of all these persons, photo-stat them, deposit them in the major Jewish organizations and institutions all over the world and then give this list vast publicity through newspaper advertising all over the world.101

By 1952, the JCR had restituted 19,400 identifiable books and archival materials to institutions and individuals worldwide.102

Difficulties with Distribution

The distribution of books classified as "unidentifiable" and "heirless" was not without problems. Some books loaned to the AJDC for distribution in Displaced Persons camps turned out to be identifiable, and record keeping was such that valuable books may have been distributed, and subsequently lost.

Books for the DP Camps

Unfortunately, one episode involving the loss of a number of books marred the restitution efforts of the JCR. The American Joint Distribution Committee (AJDC) played a crucial role in providing humanitarian relief to Jews in camps for displaced persons (DPs) throughout Europe. As part of its humanitarian effort, the AJDC distributed more than 20,000 books from the OAD to various DP camps immediately after the war.

The AJDC had asked OMGUS for a loan of 25,000 books to distribute to DP camps in late November 1945, but because the book identification process was not complete, the request was denied in mid-December.103 It took a personal approach to General Lucius Clay the following month by Judge Simon Rifkind, advisor to the Theater Commander on Jewish Affairs, on behalf of the AJDC for this loan to be approved. Judge Rifkind described the efforts by AJDC and other organizations to create educational and cultural programs in the camps, arguing that the need was acute, that those living in the camps were "starved for reading and study materials," and that some in the camps had not seen a Hebrew text in more than six years.104
Judge Rifkind suggested books come from OAD and other repositories where thousands of ordinary Jewish books of "no historical or artistic merit" could be found, and

that no book be borrowed that is in any way unusual, irreplaceable, very valuable, or very difficult to procure [and] that no book be withdrawn that has been established as the property of any known institution or individual.105

Three experts would ensure that no valuable items would be included in the loan; men who were "eminently qualified to make a selection which would in no way prejudice the preservation of the historical, rare and valuable character of the collection nor interfere with its restoration to rightful owners."106

By June 1946 more than 19,100 books claimed to be of unknown ownership or origin were transferred to the AJDC and then distributed in DP camps by the United Nations Refugee and Relief Agency.107 Some 5,000 more books were subsequently transferred. Though the books were sent to the camps as a loan, the JCR staff thought that "the possibility of their being returned is quite remote."108 In the chaotic conditions of the camps, with large and transient populations, the possibility that books would be lost or misdirected was a real one.

One such incident involved a United Nations Refugee and Relief officer. Mordechai Breuer, who was in charge of education at the Belsen camp, discovered that identifiable books were arriving at the camp:

To my great astonishment I found among the books several of which were clearly inscribed with the name "FANNY BREUER." I also found several other books by well-known German-Jewish orthodox writers such as S.R. Hirsch, parts of the title pages of which, where obviously the owner's name had been inscribed, had been cut away. All these books carried the stamp "AJDC LIBRARY--NOT TO BE REMOVED FROM PREMISES."

The discovery of the name mentioned above, the bearer of which, incidentally a cousin of mine, lives at Tel-Aviv, 4 Weisel Street, as well as other names of well-known Frankfurt families, must lead to the obvious conclusion that AJDC incorporated in their library many books the rightful owners of which are still alive in many parts of the world including Palestine and the U.S.A. 109

Though the AJDC explained the books were being loaned, and Mr. Breuer's relatives were advised to file a claim for the return of their books, this discovery meant that at least some identifiable books were included among those lent to the residents of the camps.

A subsequent MFA&A investigation in February 1947 found further cause for alarm: some of the DP camps that had received books had since been dismantled, and several, including Belsen, were not even in the U.S. Zone. No lists of books that had been sent to the DP camps existed at the AJDC offices. On July 15, 1947, OMGUS terminated its agreement with the AJDC to distribute books to DP camps, explaining to the AJDC that, "it apparently was not possible to discover the whereabouts of approximately 4,300 out of the total of more than 19,000." 110

The Hebrew University

The Hebrew University, recognizing the importance of preserving important Jewish collections, played an important role in the fate of heirless Jewish books captured by the U.S. Military Government in Germany. In 1945, the Hebrew University became involved in the long political process that eventually led the JCR to allocate a large portion of heirless Jewish cultural property to the university. Furthermore, officials from the Hebrew University helped to identify, sort and catalogue books stored in various U.S. collecting points in the U.S. Zone of Occupation of Germany and then provide a home for a large portion of these books. However, at least on one occasion, efforts by university officials resulted in the involvement of the university in the unauthorized removal of valuable books and manuscripts from OAD.

As early as May 16, 1945, Dr. Judah L. Magnes, President of the Hebrew University, expressed interest in receiving Jewish books, manuscripts and other historical objects looted by the Nazis and held by the U.S. Army. In a meeting with L.C. Pinkerton, the American Consul General in Jerusalem, Palestine, Dr. Magnes explained that these Jewish cultural objects belonged to Jews, should be sent to Palestine, and held at the Hebrew University because it was the sole university for the Jewish people, it had the greatest Jewish collection in existence, and it employed a large number of Jewish scholars that had the expertise to study the material.111 Dr. Magnes wanted to ensure that the assets would be quickly moved to a location where they could be of use to the Jewish people as a collective. In his letter to the State Department, the American Consul General recommended that Dr. Magnes's request receive "every proper sympathetic consideration" given the university's high regard in the Jewish world and in the United States.112

Another Hebrew University official who supported Dr. Magnes's efforts was Professor Gershom Scholem, the pre-eminent scholar of Jewish mysticism. In 1946, Professor Scholem traveled to Europe on a mission for the Hebrew University in search of books of Jewish interest.113 During the summer of that year, he worked as an expert advisor at Offenbach, helping to organize and evaluate Jewish books and manuscripts.114 After sorting the items, Dr. Scholem packed a number of valuable items into five boxes marked "Scholem" which were then stored in the "Torah Room."115

On January 20, 1947, the Director of OAD, Joseph A. Horne, discovered the absence of the five boxes.116 After investigation, the Army Inspector General learned that the boxes had been sent to the Hebrew University without OAD authorization. On April 25, 1947, OMGUS directed the American Consulate in Jerusalem to open and inventory the five boxes and leave them at the Hebrew University until General Clay had the opportunity to appoint a trustee to represent world Jewry and assist in determining the final disposition of the five boxes.117 An inventory of the five boxes counted 366 books and manuscripts.118 The inventory revealed that almost one-third of the books and manuscripts were identifiable and therefore subject to restitution under Law 59.119

These items remained at the Hebrew University in the care of the head librarian until 1949. A solution emerged in 1949, when the JCR signed an agreement with OMGUS to act as trustee to unidentifiable Jewish cultural property, including the five boxes removed to Hebrew University.120 The JCR agreed to give appropriate notices to owners of identifiable works and to have the identifiable works delivered to their rightful owners.121 By contrast, the unidentifiable materials in the five boxes were to be transferred to the JCR "with the sole provisio[n] that the properties are to be utilized for the maintenance of the cultural heritage of the Jewish people."122

Although the five boxes were transferred to the JCR's custody under this agreement, it is unlikely that they ever left Hebrew University, which was never blamed for the unauthorized removal of the five boxes from Offenbach.

Books from the Baltic states

Certain library and archival collections that the Nazis looted from the Baltic states were recovered by U.S. forces and stored at collecting points such as the OAD. This property was not restituted to these countries for several reasons. The United States did not recognize the status of the Baltic states as Soviet Republics. In addition, very few Jews remained in the area; the Nazis had wiped out practically the entire community. As of September, 1948, the OAD held about 20,000 books from Jewish, and about 8,000 books from non-Jewish, institutions in the Baltic states.123 Among other things, the OAD housed the papers of the Yiddish Scientific Institute (YIVO), formerly of Vilnius, Lithuania, a collection whose size was estimated to be over 50,000 "items," including documents, sheet music, brochures, and newspapers. By mid-1947 these had already been shipped to YIVO, which had re-established itself in the United States.

The disposition of the remaining "items" from the Baltic states remained in doubt. The matter was discussed in May 1946, not only in the State-War-Navy Coordinating Committee, which was considering transfer of the property to "representative international Jewish groups," but also by the Joint Chiefs of Staff. 124 By July 22, 1949, the JCR was given access to the Baltic material even though the owners of most of the materials could be identified. By September, the JCR had shipped 214 cases with about 29,000 books, 78 of them (12,418 books) to Israel. The 136 remaining cases (16,346 books), which contained mostly identifiable volumes, were shipped to the warehouses of the AJDC in Paris, for a two-year trusteeship during which identifiable books could be claimed. 125 As part of its obligation, the JCR attempted to locate the owners of these books by "advertising in the centers of the Jewish world the names (16,000) of the owners," though not if they owned less than five books. 126 In 1951, after the two years' trusteeship ended, the JCR proposed to send all remaining Baltic books to Israel, since they contained "chiefly rabbinical and other Hebrew literature of a rather high quality." However, "innumerable requests from libraries in the United States" for this type of material, as well as from Western Europe, prompted the Board to vote instead to distribute the remaining Baltic collection according to the 40:40:20 ratio to Israel, the Western Hemisphere, and all other countries. 127

Summary

Though the JCR suspended its activities by early 1952, the organization performed one more service for Jewish cultural institutions after 1954 by making Hebrew and Yiddish documents in European libraries widely available on microfilm. In so doing, the JCR continued to act as "a trustee for the Jewish people," a role that key figures like General Clay and John J. McCloy had been happy to see it play.

During the war, the Nazis succeeded in destroying not only millions of individual Jews, but also many centers of European Jewish culture. In many cases, the cultural objects handled by the JCR were the only identifiable remnants of what had one been thriving Jewish communities. The Board of the JCR grappled with difficult issues and reached conclusions about its allocation policies that were often unpopular, particularly among the surviving Jewish communities in Europe. Nevertheless, the work of the JCR and related organizations that distributed heirless Jewish cultural objects helped preserve a vital link between those lost communities and the rest of the Jewish people.

Throughout its ten-year trusteeship, the JCR reflected a collective Jewish attempt to salvage what objects remained of an intellectual and cultural patrimony. Owners and even direct heirs to these objects could in most cases no longer be found, and even the communities that had once used or possessed these objects no longer existed. The JCR leadership that carefully considered these circumstances decided that the preservation of Jewish cultural heritage meant distribution of these assets to new and thriving Jewish communities in other parts of the world. It decided to allocate what had been collective--Torahs, ceremonial objects, books--to institutions whose purpose was also collective: synagogues, museums, and libraries. The transmission was not perfect: valuable books may have been diverted, or ceremonial objects perhaps melted in error. But this also was not restitution in the sense of restoration of once-owned goods, or compensation for loss, or even replacement. It was instead reconstruction, the physical transmission of pieces from a vanished world to a world of vibrant and growing communities, in a form that was both material and symbolic.


Endnotes for Chapter 6

1 Supplement, Commission of European Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, "Tentative List of Jewish Cultural Treasures in Axis-Occupied Countries," Vol. VIII, No.1, 1946, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116139­240].

2 JCR, "Summary of Three Reports by M. Bernstein Library Investigator, April 17, May 25, and June 1949," no date, Central Archives for the History of the Jewish People, JRSO, NY, file 923b [115535­538].

3 Letter from Jerome Michael, Commission of European Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, to Gen. J. H. Hillbring, Asst. Secy. of State, Aug. 26, 1946, LC, European Mission Papers, Box 34, Rest. of "Unrestituted Materials" [120194­199].

4 Saul Kagan & Ernst H. Weismann, "Report on the Operations of The JRSO, 1947­1972," no date, pp. 30­31 [120174­193].

5 Memo from Dr. Simon Federbusch , to the Office Comm., "Re: Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc.," May 6, 1947, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116261]. At the suspension of the JCR's activities in Dec. 1951, the member organizations also included Agudath Israel World Organization, Alliance Israelite Universelle, Anglo-Jewish Association, Board of Deputies of British Jews, Committee on Restoration of Continental Jewish Museum, Libraries and Archives, Counsil Representatif des Juifs de France, and Interessenvertretung der Judischen Gemeinden und Kultusvereinigungen in der US Zone. Memo from Hannah Arendt, Secy. JCR, "Notice of Annual Meeting to be Followed by Meeting of the Board of Directors," Mar. 10 1954, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116029­030].

6 Memo, "Recovery and Distribution of Jewish Cultural Treasures Through the JCR," Sept. 25, 1950, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116010­012].

b Other Officers selected included Dr. Federbusch, Dr. Leo Baeck, Mr. Allen, and Ms. Strook, Vice-Presidents; Rabbi Ahron Offer, Secy.; and Mr. David Rosentein, Treasurer. Memo from Dr. Federbusch , to the Office Comm., "Re: Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc.," May 6, 1947, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116261].

8 Appendix to Minutes of the Meeting of the Bd. of Dirs., "Minutes for Joshua Starr," Dec. 19, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, file 923b [116958].

9 This is how Salo Baron, a key actor in both organizations, drew the distinction shortly before both organizations were founded. Letter from Salo Baron, Commission on Eur. JCR, to Rabbi [Philip S.] Bernstein, Adv. on Jewish Affairs to the Cdr. in Chf., EUCOM, Mar. 25, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 129 [101113­114].

10 Both the Jewish Restitution Commission (the JRSO predecessor) and the Commission on European Jewish Reconstruction (the JCR predecessor) were founded in 1945 and both JRSO and JCR incorporated in mid-1947. The World Jewish Congress, the American Jewish Conference, and the American Jewish Committee were initial member organizations of both JRSO and JCR, and later expansion in the membership in both organizations sometimes involved the same organizations, such as Agudath Israel. The Jewish Restitution Commission was supported by grants from the American Joint Distribution Committee, the American Jewish Committee, the American Association for Jewish Education, and the Conference on Jewish Relations, and when the JCR was founded, it was funded by the American Joint Distribution Committee and the Jewish Agency for Palestine. Letter from Salo W. Baron,Chairman, Commission Eur. JCR, to Dr. A. Leon Kubowitzki, WJC, Apr. 29,Apr.29, 1946, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116248­249]; "Recovery and Distribution of Jewish Cultural Treasures Through the JCR," Sept. 25, 1950, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116010­012]. Other early JCR members included the Council for the Protection of the Rights and Interests of Jews from Germany, Hebrew University, and the Synagogue Council of America. Memo re: Jewish from Cultural Reconstruction, Inc., Dr. Federbusch to the Office Committee,Office Comm., "Jewish May 6, 1947, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116261].

11 JCR, Inc., Minutes of a Special Meeting of the Board of Directors, Oct. 7, 1947, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116273­277].

12 Memo from Col. L. Wilkinson, OMGUS, Econ. Div., to Chf. of Staff, "Material Wrongfully Sent from Offenbach Archival Depot and Presently at Jerusalem," May 27, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 283 [101117­118]. For the 1946 discussions among the State Department, WJC, the Committee for Recovery of Jewish Cultural Property (CRJCP), and an advisor to General Clay in Germany, see Memo from WJC and CRJCP to John H. Hilldring, Asst. Secy. of State, "Restitution of Looted Jewish Cultural Property in Europe," June 18, 1946 [116126­129]; memo from Dr. S. Federbusch to Members of the Office Comm., (forwarding letter to John H. Hilldring, Aug. 30, 1946), Sept. 6, 1946, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116131­134]; memo from Dr. Federbusch to Members of the Office Comm., "Report on My Conference at the State Department, Washington, on November 5, 1946, on Recovery of Jewish Cultural Property in Europe," AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116102­104].

13 Memo from Col. L. Wilkinson, OMGUS, Econ. Div., to Chf. of Staff, "Material Wrongfully Sent from Offenbach Archival Depot and Presently at Jerusalem," May 27, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 283 [101117­118].

14 Letter from Rabbi Philip S. Bernstein, Adv. on Jewish Affairs to the Cdr. in Chf., EUCOM, to Dr. Salo W. Baron, Commission on Eur. JCR, Apr. 9, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 129 [101115­116].

15 Not only had American Jewish organizations played a role in drafting this law, but General Lucius Clay and his successor John J. McCloy had been supportive of restitution and compensation efforts. Nana Sagi, German Reparations: A History of the Negotiations (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1986), 41; Constantin Goschler, Wiedergutmachung: Westdeutschland und die Verfolgten des Nationalsozialismus 1945­1954 (Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag, 1992), 111.

16 Memo of Agreement, Orren McJunkins, OMGUS, Joshua Starr, JCR, & Benjamin Ferencz, JRSO, "Jewish Cultural Property", Feb. 15, 1949, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 125 [102605­606]; Frederick Draper, OMGUS, Bernard Heller, JCR, & Saul Kagan, JRSO, "Addendum II to Memorandum of Agreement of 15 February 1949, Subject 'Jewish Cultural Property,'" July 22, 1949, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66, OAD [311759].

17 See, for example, HICOG Office of Econ. Affairs, Prop. Div., "Receipt for Jewish Cultural Properties," May29, 1950, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 102 [101921­923]. This notion of trusteeship was supported by OMGUS even before the JCR was formed. See Cable WX­81072 from AGWAR to OMGUS and USFA, Sept. 22, 1946, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 283, Jewish Art [117160­161].

18 Orren R. McJunkins, Memorandum of Agreement, Jewish Cultural Property, Feb. 15, 1949, Restitution Branch, Reports Pertaining to Restitution, 1945­49, NACP, RG 260. Quoted in Michael J. Kurtz, Nazi Contraband: American Policy in the Return of European Cultural Treasures, 1945­1955 (New York: Garland, 1985), 211.

19 Memo of Agreement, "Jewish Cultural Property," no date, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115488­489].

20 Ibid.

21 Memo from Joseph Horne, Dir. OAD, June 24, 1948, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 144 [101063­064]; Field Rpt. No. 7 from Joshua Starr, JCR, "Ritual Objects and Other Property At Wiesbaden," Apr. 11, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115539­540]. Horne noted the "careful attention given to this collection by the American authorities."

22 Thus, in December 1948, the JCR Advisory Committee had suggested sending half the scrolls to New York and half to Israel for examination and repair, then decided to send all of them to the JDC offices in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. JCR, Mtg. Mins., Adv. Comm., Feb. 6, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115542­545]. Several months later "it had been found most economical and practical to ship the scrolls to the JDC in Paris," where scribes would be employed "to select those which were fit for use, and to report the result to JCR, which would control their distribution." JCR, Mtg. Mins., Adv. Comm., May 8, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115499­500]. By September, "35 cases with 484 Torah scrolls plus fragments" had been sent to the AJDC in Paris. Letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Eli Rock, AJDC., Sept. 21, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115531­532].

23 JCR, "World Distribution of Ceremonial Objects and Torah Scrolls, July 1, 1949­January 31, 1952," no date, Stanford Univ. Lib., Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, File 18 [117125].

24 Memo from Joseph Horne, Dir. OAD, June 24, 1948, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 144 [101063­064]; memo of Agreement, Orren McJunkins, OMGUS, Joshua Starr, JCR, & Benjamin Ferencz, JRSO, "Jewish Cultural Property", Feb. 15, 1949, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 125 [102605­606].

25 "Recovery and Distribution of Jewish Cultural Treasures through the JCR," Sept. 25, 1950, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116010­012].

26 JCR, Mtg. Mins., Adv. Comm., Feb. 6, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115542­545]; "JCR Resolution (Adopted at Board of Directors Mtg., JCR, March 14th, 1949)," CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115548].

27 Field Rpt. No. 7 from Joshua Starr, JCR, "Ritual Objects and Other Property At Wiesbaden," Apr. 11, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115539­540].

28 JCR, "World Distribution of Ceremonial Objects and Torah Scrolls, July 1, 1949­January 31, 1952," no date, Stanford Univ. Lib., Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, File 18 [117125]. 4,162 were museum and 3,369 were synagogue pieces; 336 were mixed. The New York depot of the JCR handled the world distribution of all museum items other than those that went to Israel, while for synagogue objects the Paris AJDC office distributed to Western Europe, the JCR distributed in the United States, and the WJC distributed to Latin America. Memo from Hannah Arendt, JCR, to Bd. of Dirs. & Adv. Comm., July 1952, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116022­023]; Anon. note, "Ceremonial Objects to Latin America," no date, AJA, WJC Papers, Box H341 [116339].

29 JCR, Mtg. Mins., Adv. Comm., Feb. 6, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115542­545].

30 "JCR Resolution (Adopted at Board of Directors Mtg., JCR, March 14th, 1949)," CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115548].

31 Memo from Dr. Blattberg, WJC, to Dr. Marcus & Dr. Robinson, Mar. 15, 1949, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116078].

32 JCR, Mtg. Mins., Spec. Mtg. of the Bd. of Dirs., June 7, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115549­552]; JCR, Mtg. Mins., Adv. Comm., Sept. 19, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115553­555]. The latter part of this allocation evidently also affected distribution of what was received in New York: Great Britain "should receive her usual share of 5­7% of the total, that is, 250­350 objects," while South Africa, Canada and Argentina were each to receive five percent (about 150 objects each). Together, these 700 or so objects would thus amount to twenty percent of the 3,200 or so objects sent to the United States, at least according to the 1952 JCR summary of world distribution.

33 JCR, Mtg. Mins., Ann. Mtg. of Bd. of Dirs., Oct. 17, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [116960­963]; letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Eli Rock, JRSO, Sept. 1, 1950, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923c [116939­943]; JCR, "World Distribution of Ceremonial Objects and Torah Scrolls, July 1, 1949­January 31, 1952," no date, Stanford Univ. Lib., Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, File 18 [117125]; "Recovery and Distribution of Jewish Cultural Treasures Through the JCR," Sept. 25, 1950, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116010­012]. "All" items thus also included books, and just as the Bezalel Museum had priority in selecting museum objects, so too Hebrew University had priority in selecting books.

34 "JCR Resolution (Adopted at Board of Directors Mtg., JCR, March 14th, 1949)," CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115548]. Joshua Starr also noted that Narkiss was not only to separate museum from synagogue pieces, but "in his capacity as agent for the Israeli Ministry of Religious Affairs," would also indicate which objects were needed by synagogues in Israel. See Field Rpt. No. 7 from Joshua Starr, JCR, "Ritual Objects and Other Property At Wiesbaden," Apr. 11, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115539­540].

35 M. Narkiss, Dir. of Bezalel Museum, "Two Reports on Ceremonial Objects...June 19, 1949 and July 10, 1949," no date, summarized from Hebrew, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115533­534].

36 The JCR statement that "museum pieces outnumber the synagogue pieces almost in the proportion of 9 to 1" did not take into account that 4,200 of the approximately 10,600 pieces shipped from Wiesbaden were damaged beyond repair, 5,000 were museum objects, and 1,400 were suitable for synagogue use. JCR, Mtg. Mins., Adv. Comm., Sept. 19, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115553­555].

37 Letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Eli Rock, AJDC., Sept. 21, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115531­532].

38 M. Narkiss, Dir. of Bezalel Museum, "Two Reports on Ceremonial Objects...June 19, 1949 and July 10, 1949," no date, summarized from Hebrew, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115533­534]; letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Eli Rock, AJDC., Sept. 21, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115531­532].

39 Documentary evidence is lacking here but Starr's report states that "The scrap metal and household silver will be turned over to the JRSO, which has undertaken the responsibility of exploiting this material to the best advantage." Joshua Starr, "Field Report No. 7, Ritual Objects and other Property at Wiesbaden," Apr. 11, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 923a [115539­540].

40 JCR, Mtg. Mins., Ann. Mtg. of Bd. of Dirs., Oct. 17, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [116960­963]. It also suggests the smelting was undertaken based on the JCR Advisory Committee recommendations rather than with the approval of the Board of Directors.

41 JCR, Mtg. Mins., Adv. Comm., Sept. 19, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115553­555]; JCR, Mtg. Mins., Adv. Comm., Feb. 6, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923a [115542­545]. Repair was the responsibility of recipient institutions, though the Jewish Museum in New York offered restoration services.

42 Some of the recipients included, in mid-1950, the Museum of Hebrew Union College, Hebrew Theological College, and B'nai Brith Hillel Foundation, as well as the Brooklyn Museum and New York University's Library of Judaica and Hebraica. A total of 1,698 museum pieces are listed. Memo from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Bd. of Dirs. & Adv. Comm., "Distribution of Ceremonial Objects, New York Depot," Aug. 18, 1950, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116004]. A different summary claims 3,250 ceremonial objects were distributed to the U.S. by 1952, 1,326 of which were museum pieces, but this is at odds with the figure Arendt cites. JCR, "World Distribution of Ceremonial Objects and Torah Scrolls, July 1, 1949­January 31, 1952," no date, Stanford Univ. Lib., Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, File 18 [117125]. It is also not consistent with the 1,028 ceremonial objects going to Jewish museums, the 55 objects going to non-Jewish museum, and the 1,746 objects going to synagogues listed on still another list. JCR, "Distribution of Ceremonial Objects from New York Depot, 1950, According to Institutions," no date, Stanford Univ. Lib., Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, Folder 18 [117126].

43 JCR, Mtg. Mins., Adv. Comm., Sept. 19, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115553­555]; memo from Dr. Blattberg, WJC, to Dr. Marcus & Dr. Robinson, Mar. 15, 1949, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116078].

44 Memo from Hannah Arendt to Bd. of Dirs., JCR, "Disposition of 18 Cases Containing about 450 Ceremonial Objects from Frankfort/M," June 12, 1951, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116016­017].

45 JCR, Mtg. Mins., Spec. Mtg. of Bd. of Dirs., Dec. 21, 1950, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923c [115765­772].

46 Ibid.

47 Ibid.

48 Ibid.; letter from Samuel Dallob to Hannah Arendt, JCR, Oct. 26, 1951, CAHJP, JRSO NY 296b [115556]; memo from Hannah Arendt to Bd. of Dirs. & Adv. Comm., JCR, "Mail Vote on the Baltic Collection and the Frankfort Ceremonial Objects," July 11, 1951, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116018].

49 Memo from Hannah Arendt to Bd. of Dirs., JCR, "Disposition of 18 Cases Containing about 450 Ceremonial Objects from Frankfort/M," June 12, 1951, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116016­017]; memo from Hannah Arendt to Bd. of Dirs. & Adv. Comm., JCR, "Mail Vote on the Baltic Collection and the Frankfort Ceremonial Objects," July 11, 1951, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116018].

50 The transfer was made through the JCR, Inc., the cultural agent of the JRSO. "Schedule A: List of Objects transferred from the Munich CCP to JCR Nuernberg," May 29, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 301 [115805­840]; letter from Saul Kagan to Alexander Roseman, "Hq. JRSO New York Letter #139," June 29, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115593­603].

51 JRSO Exec. Comm. Mtg., Mar. 29, 1950, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115684­688].

52 Letter from Edward M.M. Warburg to Dr. Stephen S. Kayser, Nov. 1, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115785­786]. JRSO Exec. Comm. Mtg., Mar. 29, 1950, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115684­688].

53 For a complete list of the items in the two 1949 shipments to New York please see "Jewish Unidentifiable Property," May 29, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115787­805]; letter from Saul Kagan to Mr. Alexander Roseman, "Hq. New York letter # 139," June 29, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115593­603]. Letter from Benjamin B. Ferencz to Eli Rock, "Hq. JRSO NY letter #126" June 10, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115641­642]; memo, "RE: Paintings and other art objects turned over to the JRSO by Military Government," Mar. 14, 1950, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115679­680]; letter from Edward M. M. Warburg to Dr. Stephen S. Kayser, Nov. 1, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115785­786].

54 The following is a breakdown of proceeds by month: May 1950, $1,922.60; June 1950, $926.70; August 1950, $345.65; October 1950, $58.10; May 1951, $166.60. These numbers are not amount received but rather the sums received from purchasers by Mr. Odell less his commission of 22 1/2 %, and less a minor sum expended for repairs and transportation of the pictures involved. Memorandum, from Antonie Neiger to Saul Kagan, "Art objects shipped by JRSO Nuremberg to New York in 1949," Sept. 11, 1952, CAHJP, JRSO NY, file 296a [115695­698].

55 Letter from Saul Kagan to Mr. Kottlieb Hammer, Dec. 12, 1951, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296b [115692]. The shipping cost was $100. Memo from Saul Kagan to Maurice M. Boukstein and Moses A. Leavitt, "Disposal of remaining JRSO paintings," Nov. 23, 1951, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296b [115691].

56 Letter from Benjamin B. Ferencz to Eli Rock, "Hq. JRSO New York Letter # 193," Sept. 14, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115675­676]; letter from Eli Rock to Benjamin B. Ferencz, "Re: Narkiss- ' Folly," Aug. 22, 1950, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115610­613]; For Example, see letter from Toni to Saul Kagan, "Re: Paintings: a) Portrait of a Man by Mierevelt- #21837/Kogl 370/3, b) Landscape with Flock of Sheep by Zuccareli- #21839/Kogl 372/5," Sept. 26, 1957, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296c [121932­932]; letter from Saul Kagan to Mr. Mark Uveeler, Aug. 14 1959, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296c [121879­880]; letter from Dr. E. Katzenstein to Bezalel National Museum, Aug. 3 1959, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296c [121884­885].

57 Letter from Eli Rock to Benjamin B. Ferencz, "Re: ' Folly," Aug. 23, 1950, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296a [115606­608]; "Proceeds from Sale of Paintings in New York," CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 296b [115698].

58 Memo from Dr. W. Blattberg to Members of the Exec. Comm., "Report on Recent Activities of the Department of Culture and Education," Jan. 13, 1949, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E9 [116316­319]; memo from Orren R. McJunkins, Chf., R&R Br., "Jewish Cultural Properties," Jan. 19, 1949, NACP, RG 260, Control Office Recs., Box 469 [320107]; Frederick Draper, OMGUS, Bernard Heller, JCR, & Saul Kagan, JRSO, "Addendum II to Memorandum of Agreement of 15 February 1949, Subject 'Jewish Cultural Property,'" July 22, 1949, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66, OAD [311759].

59 Letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Eli Rock, JRSO, Sept. 1, 1950, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923c [116939­943].

60 Robert G. Waite, "The Handling of Looted Books in the American Zone of Occupation, 1944­1951," (U.S. Dept. of Justice, OSI, Washington, DC, photocopy); Michael J. Kurtz, Nazi Contraband: American Policy on the Return of European Cultural Treasures, 1945­1955 (New York: Garland, 1985).

61 Memo from [Ardelia] Hall to Mr. Kiefer, "Disposition of Jewish Cultural Property," Oct. 6, 1948, NACP, RG 59, Cent. Eur. Div., Entry 381ABC, Box 2, Claims Rest. [114560­561]; Draft letter from Lt. Col. Milton L. Ogden to E. J. Cohn, no date [ca. June 1949], NACP, RG 260, Prop. Div., Gen. Recs. 1944­50, Box 2 [120204­205].

62 Memo from A. Aaroni to Dr. Federbusch, "Looted Jewish Books, Archives and Religious Articles," Mar. 4, 1946, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116084­086].

63 Memo from [Ardelia] Hall to Mr. Kiefer, "Disposition of Jewish Cultural Property," Oct. 6, 1948, NACP, RG 59, Cent. Eur. Div., Entry 381ABC, Box 2, Claims Rest. [114560­561].

64 Ibid. [114560­561].

65 Letter from E.J. Cohn to Private Secy. to the Military Governor, June 7, 1949, NACP RG 260, Prop. Div., Secretariat Section, Gen. Recs. 1944­50, Box 2 [120202­203]

66 Letter from Milton L. Ogden to E.J. Cohn, no date, NACP, RG 260, Prop. Div., Secretariat Section, Gen. Recs. 1944­50, Box 2 [120204­205].

67 Ibid.

68 Minutes, JCR, "Special Meeting of the Board of Directors," May 5, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 923a [115495­498].

69 Memo from W. Blattberg to Dr. Marcus, "Report on Meeting of Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc., which took place on January 11, 1949," Jan. 12, 1949, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E9 [116315]; letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Eli Rock, JRSO, Sept. 1, 1950, CAHJP, File JRSO NY 923C [116939­943].

70 For a complete list of rare books distributed by JCR, see Dept. of Special Collections and Univ. Archives, Stanford Univ. Libraries, Salo Baron Papers, Box 232 Folder 12 [122358­525].

71 Letter from Hannah Arendt to Ernest H. Weismann, JRSO, Sept. 27, 1961, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923d [115530]; JCR, "World Distribution of Books, July 1, 1949­January 31, 1952," Stanford Univ. Lib., Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, Folder 18 [120227­228]; HICOG Office of Econ. Affairs, Prop. Div., "Receipt for Jewish Cultural Properties," May29, 1950, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 102 [101921­923].

72 Form, "Agreement Between Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc., and Recipient Libraries," no date [ca. 1950], NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66, JRSO [311758].

73 Letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Eli Rock, JRSO, Sept. 1, 1950, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923c [116939­943].

74 JCR, "World Distribution of Books, July 1, 1949­January 31, 1952," Stanford Univ. Lib., Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, Folder 18 [120227­228]. In the U.S., 6,176 books were returned.

75 Chart, JCR, "World Distribution of Books, July 1, 1949--January 31, 1952," Stanford Univ. Libraries, Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, Folder 18[120227­228].

76 Ibid.

77 Letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Eli Rock, JRSO, Sept. 1, 1950, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 923C [116939­943].

78 Ibid.

79 Memo from Dr. Blattberg to Dr. Goldman, Dr. Steinberg & Dr. Marcus, "Present Activities of the Department of Culture and Education," Nov. 14, 1949, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E9 [116324­328]. According to Military Regulation 16­260g, the cost of packing and shipping to the German border or to JCR's depot within Germany was paid by the German Government of the Land from which the property was shipped. See Memo of Agreement, Orren McJunkins, OMGUS, Joshua Starr, JCR & Benjamin Ferencz, JRSO, "Jewish Cultural Property," Feb. 15, 1949, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 125 [102605­606].

80 Memo from Dr. Blattberg to Dr. Goldman, Dr. Steinberg & Dr. Marcus, "Present Activities of the Department of Culture and Education," Nov. 14, 1949, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E9 [116324­328].

81 Memo from Dr. Wolf Blattberg to Dr. Marcus, "Activities of the New York Office of the Cultural Department," Sept. 22, 1950, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E9 [116297­299]. For complete list of world distribution, see chart, JCR, "World Distribution of Books, July 1, 1949--January 31, 1952," Stanford Univ. Libs., Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, Folder 18 [120227­228].

82 Memo from the JCR, "Minutes of Meeting of the Advisory Committee," Feb. 6, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 923a [115542­545].

83 Ibid. [115542­545]; letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Eli Rock, JRSO, Sept. 1, 1950, CAHJP, File JRSO NY 923C [116939­943].

84 Memo, "Canadian Jewish Congress Puts Labels in Books Recovered from Germany," Oct. 23, 1952, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116024].

85 Letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR to "Dear Friends," Sept. 1949, Harvard Univ. Lib., Correspondence between the Harvard Lib. & JCR Org. [123235].

86 Letter from Joshua Starr, Exe. Secy., JCR, to Librarian, Harvard Univ., Mar. 7, 1949, Harvard Univ. Lib., Correspondence between the Harvard Lib. & the JCR Org. [122322].

87 Questionnaire, JCR, Harvard Univ. Lib., Correspondence between the Harvard Lib. & the JCR Organization [122323­324].

88 JCR, Inc., "Memorandum to Libraries Co-operating with JCR," June 20, 1949, Dept. of Special Collections and Univ. Archives, Stanford Univ. Libs., Salo Baron Papers, Box 232, Folder 10 [123234].

89 However, after the termination of the activities of the JCR, the Board of Directors decided that, "a free exchange among recipient libraries be permitted, without prior approval on our part. JCR should, however, be informed of the transaction." Letter from Hannah Arendt, Exe. Secy., JCR, to "Dear Friend", Feb. 4, 1952, Harvard Univ. Lib., Correspondence between the Harvard Lib. & the JCR Org. [122356].

90 "Agreement Between Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc., and Recipient Libraries," NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66, JRSO [311758]. See also, memo from JCR, "Memorandum to Libraries Co-operating with JCR," June 20, 1949, Dept. of Special Collections & Univ. Archives, Stanford Univ. Libs., Salo Baron Papers, Box 32, Folder 10 [123234].

91 Letter from Hannah Arendt, Exe. Secy., JCR, to "Dear Friends", Sept. 1949, Harvard Univ. Lib., Correspondence between the Harvard Lib. & the JCR Org. [122325].

92 Letter from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Prof. Harry A. Wolfson, Widener Lib., Harvard Univ., May 25, 1950, Harvard Univ. Lib., Correspondence between the Harvard Lib. & the JCR Org. [122326­327].

93 Letter from Hannah Arendt, Exe. Secy., JCR, to Dr. Wm. A. Jackson, Harvard Univ. Lib., Mar. 1, 1951, Harvard Univ. Lib., Correspondence between the Harvard Lib. & the JCR Org. [122328].

94 Memo "Recovery and Distribution of Jewish Cultural Treasures Through the JCR," Sept. 25, 1950, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116010­012].

95 Ibid.

96 See JCR, "Distribution of Books in the U.S. From July 1, 1949 to Jan. 31, 1952 [117123­124] for a list of books distributed in the United States.

97 Letter from Hannah Arendt to Mr. Ernst H. Weismann, Sept. 27, 1961, CAHJP, File 923d [115530]; Chart, JCR, "World Distribution of Books, July 1, 1949­January 31, 1952," Stanford Univ. Libraries, Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, Folder 18 [120227­228].

98 Office of HICOG for Germany, "Receipt for Jewish Cultural Properties," May 29, 1950, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 102, [101921­923].

99 Letter from Hannah Arendt to Mr. Ernest H. Weismann, Sept. 27, 1961, CAHJP, JRSO NY, File 923d, [115530].

100 Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc., "Agreement between Jewish Cultural Reconstruction, Inc., and Recipient Libraries," July 1950.

101 Letter from Hannah Arendt to Theodore A. Heinrich, Jan. 21, 1950, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66 [120225­226].

102 See Chart, JCR, "World Distribution of Books, July 1, 1949--January 31, 1952", Stanford Univ. Libs., Salo Baron Papers, Box 231, Folder 18 [120227­228] for world distribution list.

103 Memo from Richard F. Howard, Chf., MFA&A, to Office of the Inspector Gen., OMGUS, "Report and Request for Investigation," Feb. 20, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66, Wiesbaden [117138­140].

104 Ibid. [117138­140]; memo from Simon H. Rifkind to Lt. Gen. Lucius Clay, "Jewish Books," Jan. 7, 1946, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66 [120229­230].

105 Memo from Richard F. Howard, Chf., MFA&A, to Office of the Inspector Gen., OMGUS, "Report and Request for Investigation," Feb. 20, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66, Wiesbaden [117138­140].

106 These experts were Dr. Koppel S. Pinson, Professor of History at Queens College, editor of Jewish Social Studies, Secretary of the Commission for European Cultural
Reconstruction, and Vice-chairman of Academic Council of Jewish Relations; Rabbi Alexander Rosenberg, member of the Executive Committee of Union of Orthodox Rabbis, founder and ex-president of the Rabbinical Council of America and an authority in Rabbinical scholarship; and Professor Samual Sar, Dean of Yeshiva University and vice-president of Mizrachi. Memo from Simon H. Rifkind to Lt. Gen. Lucius Clay, "Jewish Books," Jan. 7, 1946, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66 [120229­230].

107 Koppel S. Pinson, "Jewish Life in Liberated Germany: A Study of the Jewish DP's," Jewish Social Studies 9 (Apr. 1947), 121. [120232­256]; memo from Maj. L. B. LaFarge to Mr. Cronin, Rest. Br., "Jewish Cultural Material," June 3, 1946, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66 [305581­582].

108 JCR, "Excerpts from Dr. Joshua Starr's Report dated Frankfurt, June 2, 1948," no date, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116063­066].

109 Letter from Mordechai M. Breuer to the Eur. Head Office, AJDC, Jan. 12, 1946, CAHJP, JRSO NY 875 [115485].

110 Letter from Lt. Col. G. H. Garde to AJDC, "Loan of Books," July 15, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66 [100551­552].

111 Letter from L. C. Pinkerton, Am. Consulate Gen., to The Honorable Secy. of State, "Jewish Cultural Material Saved from Nazi hands," May 16, 1945, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66 [101020­021].

112 Ibid.

113 Letter from Prof. C.G. Scholem to Gen. Lucius D. Clay, Aug. 7, 1946, NACP, RG 260, Econ. Div., Box 46 [101065].

114 Memo from Joseph A. Horne to Office of MG for Hesse, "Valuable materials missing from the Offenbach Archival Depot," Feb. 4, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 253 [100731­732].

115 Ibid.

116 Memo from Richard F. Howard to Office of the Inspector Gen., "Report and Request for Investigation," Feb. 20, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66 [117138­140].

117 Note from Gen. Clay to Colonel Wilkinson, "27 May- Wilkinson-Material from Offenbach Archival Depot at Jerusalem," June 7, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66 [117176].

118 Memo from Office of Political Affairs to Richard Howard, Nov. 6, 1947, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66 [305576­578].

119 Letter from Property Div. to R&R Br., "Disposition of MSS," Mar. 25, 1947, NACP, RG 260 Box 253 [101095­106].

120 The JRSO was also a signatory on the agreement since the JCR acted as the JRSO's agent. Addendum I to Agreement of Feb. 15, 1949, Orren McJunkins, OMGUS, Joshua Starr, JCR & Benjamin Ferencz, JRSO, "Jewish Cultural Property," Apr. 5, 1949, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66, JCR [120200­201].

121 Addendum I to Agreement of Feb. 15, 1949, Orren McJunkins, OMGUS, Joshua Starr, JCR & Benjamin Ferencz, JRSO, "Jewish Cultural Property," Apr. 5, 1949, NACP, RG 260, Ardelia Hall Collection, Box 66, JCR [120200­201].

122 Ibid.

123 Of these, most were from Lithuania (13,000 Jewish-origin, 3,500 non-Jewish origin, and 48 "boxes"), Latvia (6,500 Jewish-origin, 4,200 non-Jewish origin, and 12 "boxes"), and Estonia (100 Jewish-origin, 300 non-Jewish origin, and 2 "boxes"). Cable from OMGUS to Dept. of Army for CSCAD, Ref. No. CC­5899, Sept. 11, 1948, NACP, RG84, Entry 2531B, Box 211, File 400B [114584].

124 Memo from Donald R. Heath, Dir., Office of Pol. Affairs, to Col. J. H. Allen, Chf., Rest. Br., Econ. Div., "Restitution of Property Which Was Removed from the Baltic states," May 1, 1946, NACP, RG 84, Entry 2531B, Box 55, File 400B [114590].

125 Field Rpt. No. 9 from Bernard Heller, JCR, Sept. 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115507­508]. Of the 78, 33 cases with the remnants of the Mapu library were given to the Hebrew University library in trusteeship for two years, and the remainder, with the libraries of Kohel, Kovno, and the Slobodka Yeshiva, were restituted to their former owners now living in Israel.

126 JCR, Mtg. Mins., Spec. Mtg. of Bd. of Dirs., Dec. 19, 1949, CAHJP, JRSO NY 923b [115518­519].

127 Memo from Hannah Arendt, Exec. Secy., JCR, to Bd. of Dirs., "Disposition of the Baltic Collection," June 12, 1951, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116015]; memo from Hannah Arendt to Bd. of Dirs. & Adv. Comm., JCR, "Mail Vote on the Baltic Collection and the Frankfort Ceremonial Objects," July 11, 1951, AJA, WJC Papers, Box E10 [116018].

 

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